Wednesday, June 8, 2011

CARLOS MONTES

FROM FREEDOM SOCIALIST PARTY AND RADICAL WOMEN

PHOTO FROM revolutionaryfrontlines.wordpress.com

Stop the witch hunt of Carlos Montes and other Leftists


Strengthen the united defense against FBI and police raids

June 8, 2011

The Freedom Socialist Party and Radical Women condemn the FBI and L.A. County police raid on the home of Carlos Montes, a nationally respected veteran leader in the Chicano and immigrant rights movements.

Toting automatic weapons, cops broke down Montes' door on May 17 at 5am and seized his computer, cell phones and files documenting decades of political work. He was arrested and released on bail the following morning.

The blatantly political nature of the attack was shown by FBI questions to Montes about the Freedom Road Socialist Organization, a U.S. anti-imperialist group founded in 1985.

Carlos Montes has spent 40 years resisting U.S. wars -- from Vietnam to Iraq. He has built solidarity with movements against repression in Colombia and for the liberation of Palestine. His forefront role in the L.A.
Committee to Stop FBI Repression, a united front against government raids and Grand Jury attacks, clearly put him in the government's crosshairs.

We urge all civil rights and civil liberties defenders in the Los Angeles area to attend Montes' court appearance on June 16. Activists in other cities are encouraged to attend June 16 protests in defense of Montes (see http://www.stopfbi.net/ for locations).

We demand that the government drop all charges, return stolen property and pay restitution for damages.

Assault on dissent widens

The arrest of Montes is an expansion of FBI harassment that began in September 2010 with raids on homes and offices of 23 leftists and activists centered in the Midwest. These 17 women and six men include parents, grandparents, immigrants, unionists, and community organizers. Like Montes, they are anti-war and international solidarity activists. They have been subpoenaed to testify before Grand Juries, but all have courageously refused to participate in these political fishing expeditions.

FBI documents left behind in one of the raided Midwest homes included a list of 100 questions agents planned to ask about the political activities and associations of those targeted. The majority of the questions related to Freedom Road Socialist Organization: its membership, finances, decision-making, recruiting, meetings, associations with other groups, and additional constitutionally protected information.

The government implies it is seeking out terrorist activity. But its own documents show it has no evidence and is instead trying to fabricate charges to justify its intimidation campaign.

Why the Left is under the gun

Internationally, workers, students, women and the poor are in revolt against dictators and World Bank starvation measures. U.S. labor is on the move against unemployment, poverty and union-busting. Women are fighting back against wholesale assaults on reproductive freedom, public education, and social welfare programs.

Increasingly dissatisfied with government officials who rob trillions from the public to fuel corporate profits, workers are justifiably angry at being blamed for a crisis caused by banks, war spending, and tax cuts for the rich. This discontent could easily turn into mass revolt.

Radicals such as Carlos Montes have the mobilizing experience and bold strategies that can help forge workingclass solidarity across lines of race, gender, nationality and sexuality. All supporters of civil liberties and human rights must defend them -- before the attacks spread to include other critics of government policies.

An injury to one is an injury to all

The Obama administration's red-baiting and accusations of terrorism have only stiffened the resolve of the broad array of organizations and individuals who are working together to stop the frame-ups. The Committee to Stop FBI Repression was formed last fall to expose the government's escalating suppression of dissent and to build a united movement to stop it.

It welcomes the participation of all who agree with its basic principles of defending the right to privacy and freedom of association of those who refuse to talk to the FBI or testify before a Grand Jury about their political activism.

The Freedom Socialist Party and Radical Women call on concerned organizations to issue solidarity statements that demand the government drop all charges against Montes and others who refuse to be intimidated by FBI terror tactics.

We also urge groups and individuals to take the following actions:

Help organize and attend local rallies on June 16 (details listed at http://www.stopfbi.net/).

Sign the on-line petition in support of Carlos Montes at http://iacenter.org/stopfbi/
and urge others to sign.

Sign the Pledge to Resist FBI and Grand Jury Oppression at

http://www.stopfbi.net/get-involved/pledge-of-resistance.

Plan to participate in a national day of protest that will take place if any of the activists are indicted or ordered to appear in front of the Chicago Grand Jury.

Our collective strength is urgently needed to end the witch hunts!

Issued by:

Freedom Socialist Party and Radical WomenSolidarity Hall
2170 W. Washington Blvd.
Los Angeles, Ca 90018
Phone: 323-732-6416
fspla@earthlink.net .
http://www.socialism.com/

radicalwomenla@earthlink.net .
http://www.radicalwomen.org/

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

THE UNITED STATES

 Roma: The hidden Americans

Many Roma have made the US their home, and their cultural identity continues to thrive despite discrimination.

BY MELANIE SEVCENKO

Although the United States is home to several Roma populations, differences in dialects and religion keep the groups separate with very little social interaction [Melanie Sevcenko]

06/06/2011 - Shannon Rose Hill Cemetery off Highway 180 on the east side of Fort Worth is a typical rolling plot of grey tombstones strewn about in the dry, yellow grass characteristic of Texas winters.

Most of the graves are standard, except the distinct raised tombs which bear embedded photos of the deceased, dressed in their finest and smiling with cigarettes and their loved ones at their sides. These tombs are tagged with blooming pots of scarlet red poinsettias and empty Coke and Dr Pepper soda cans in place of candle adornments.

Evans is the name inscribed on each of these opulent tombs - the Roma clan that has made Fort Worth its home for more than a hundred years. Up the hill, closer to the Shannon Rose Hill Funeral Home, an Evans is having his tomb installed, while nearby members of the clan - or familia, a social structure comprising 20 to 200 members related by blood or marriage - rest on the stone benches of another's grave.

Two elders, a younger woman, and a middle-aged man named Tom Evans - who looks like a typical businessman on his day off - sip cans of soda and joke about their dead relatives who, as they say, might be "listening in" on their conversation.

They talk over one another, sometimes in English, other times in Romani, a language that is one of the healthiest immigrant dialects in the United States, carried throughout the generations with little threat of endangerment, according to Ian F Hancock, Romani activist and professor of linguistics at the University of Texas at Austin.

When asked about the Roma population in Fort Worth, the eldest woman enunciates, "We are gypsies", peering out from a headscarf to take another sip of Coke.

"We are the same people as the gypsies in Europe. There is no difference," finishes the eldest man.

It's a family routine, explains Tom, as another relative drives up in an SUV and begins to unpack a picnic in the middle of the cemetery. He pulls out bags of potato chips, sandwich materials, sweet treats and more soda. On days off, Tom says his family likes to enjoy a soft drink amongst their dead, leaving the soda can behind as a momento.

For decades, the Evans were chronicled in the Dallas newspaper. Droves of clan members were reported at local hospitals, once in 1954 when their 75-year-old elder, Rosie Evans, suffered an injury, and again in 1970 for another clan member's cancer operation.

The Evans clan has long been known for leadership and literacy. In 1976, "lieutenant" Sam Evans, an advocate for the education of Roma children, told the Dallas Morning News: "People in the United States treat us pretty right ... I'm as American as I can be."

Texas Roma

Not far from the cemetery is the suburban neighbourhood of White Settlement, Fort Worth. Flat, generic and strewn with fuel stations, odd shops and intersecting residential streets, the region appears untouched by the gentrification of big box stores just beyond the overpass.

Parks of mobile homes are a frequent sight, some of which have been bought by Roma families. White Settlement is also home to the Greenhorns, a group of "Irish Travellers" - nomadic clans that, similar to the Roma reputation, move about the country doing house repairs and other odd jobs.

Along with Houston, the city of Fort Worth holds the largest population of Roma in the state of Texas, which is home to about 20,000 Romani Americans - most of which are Romanichal and Vlax - out of a national population of around one million.

The Vlax are typically Eastern Orthodox and celebrate both Christmas and Easter, while the Romanichals remain predominately Protestant.

A fair number of Roma from both groups have also become "born-again" Christians, a choice that has been met with disdain from those who consider the new faith an impedance on the cultural behaviour of the Roma, such as fortune telling and arranged marriages.

Although the United States is home to several other Romani populations, Hancock's prognosis is that differences in dialects keep the groups separate with very little social interaction.

Segregation breeds marginalisation

Revelry among clans has been reported by the Dallas Morning News as far back as 1951, when six Roma clans swarmed into Dallas, threatening warfare after the shooting of a 15-year-old boy belonging to the Green tribe, allegedly shot by a member of the Evans.

Since the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, however, along with a subsequent rise of ethnic nationalism and race-related violence, an increasing number of Roma have migrated to the United States, but are still largely the least integrated ethnic group in America, along with Native Americans.

"In America it's more of a bureaucratic marginalisation. It's kind of a Kafka-esque process of racism on paper," says Sani Rifati, president of the California-based non-profit organisation Voice of Roma (VoR), which promotes and presents Romani cultural arts and traditions to contribute to the preservation and education of Romani identity and culture. "A Liberal Democrat will pitch tolerance, which is just really words in the air. In Europe, the racism is more out in the open."

In Hancock's opinion, segregation between Roma and the rest of America can be attributed to both sides. Though Roma do associate with the gadje (non-Roma) for basic economic needs, most of their traditions kept today in the United States - such as kris, or Romani tribunal, a custom of the Vlax that serves as a type of court within the community held several times a year in either Fort Worth or Houston - work to keep them on the fringe of society for fear that interference from non-Roma could potentially "taint" the Roma way.

"There is a good reason why Roma separate themselves from non-Roma, it's a form of protection," says Rifati. "If you look at the non-Roma communities throughout the world, they're not so kind to Roma," Rifati continues. "You have this form of protection with other groups like the Amish, who don't live with any Western values, or Orthodox Jews. In Roma culture the most important value is the family and the clan. If you don't protect that then you are completely lost."

But Hancock is concerned that if Romani Americans continue to dismiss the mainstream from accepting their lifestyle and identity, they will further disappear into the ethnic ambiguity and threaten the longevity of their culture.

Stereotypes and "untouchability"

Roma who reside in the United States have been unofficially coined "the hidden Americans", on account of their "invisibility" among other ethnic groups, due to their dark skin and hair, which can often be mistaken for Hispanic, southern European or American Indian.

The promotion of racism and the peripheral lifestyle of many Romani Americans is further encouraged "by adhering to the Hollywood 'Gypsy' stereotype and not understanding actual Roma", says Hancock. Of a similar opinion, Voice of Roma (VoR) makes nation-wide efforts to de-bunk the fairytale image of caravans, spirits, kings and queens.

Originally from Kosovo, Sani Rifati came to the United States in 1993 and found a country that, in his opinion, was based on individuals and lacked community involvement. Says Rifati: "In general, Americans are really ignorant about Roma."

"Everybody can be a Gypsy expert in America," he continues, "because they feel it's their freedom to speak on my behalf. And I say, let me take the first shot and I'll tell you who I am. But before we dance, let's have a dialogue. So that's another part of what we do here in America. We fight very tirelessly to have Gypsy art recognised, and not just as a circus."

Promoting "untouchability" even extends as far as education, as some Roma in Texas and the rest of the United States pull their children from schools once they've reached puberty. Most of the younger generations of American Roma do not use the Romani language, speaking more English and even Spanish in states such as Texas and California.

"In general, Roma are not fit for the educational system because of prejudices," says Rifati. "We have a very familiar phenomenon with Native Americans in the United States." Young and uneducated American Roma face high rates of suicide, with the outside world seemingly having little to offer.

"I had to fight the Serbian establishment because they didn't want to educate a 'gypsy' in their classroom," recalls Rifati. "I had to work five times harder than other Serbian students in order to get good grades."

RADOC and Voice of Roma

Apart from being a Romani-born activist, international spokesperson and scholar Ian F Hancock is an official ambassador to the United Nations and UNICEF, representing the world's 15 million Romanies. Having been raised in a traditional Romani family in London and experiencing discrimination, alienation and abuse from the law within his community, Hancock was given a unique opportunity to study within the doctoral programme at University College London, as part of then-Prime Minister Harold Wilson's dedication to affirmative action.

Hancock launched the first Romani Studies programme at the University of Texas at Austin, which has become the leading US centre for studies on Romani history, language and culture. As an extension of the programme, Hancock established the Romani Archives and Documentation Center (RADOC) at the university, which is the largest collection of Romani materials in the world, consisting of over 10,000 books, monographs, bound articles, prints, photos and documents.

Contrary to a popular belief that all Roma in Europe are uneducated, Sani Rifati holds a Masters in Chemistry and comes from a generation in former Yugoslavia that was allowed certain educational privileges. Finding work, however, was another battle.

When Rifati moved to the United States, he says he was quite ignorant about his own culture. But he thanks Hancock for helping him not only to better understand his culture, but to feel good about it too.

Voice of Roma has devoted 2011 to festivals that will raise funds to protect Roma refugees of former Yugoslavia. Rifati says: "We also have written expert testimony to stop the deportation from France, Germany and Italy. We're doing a lot of actions, while at the same time trying to preserve the Roma culture."

Link:
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/04/20114145828641489.html

INTERNSHIPS FOR YOUNG ROMA

PLEASE NOTE THIS IS ONLY OPEN TO ROMA IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE MEMBER STATES.

Council of Europe/Open Society Foundations


Roma Internship Scheme

Application deadline: June 10, 2011

The Council of Europe, in cooperation with the Open Society Foundations, is pleased to offer three-month internships to young Roma students and professionals at the Council of Europe in Strasbourg .

The aim of the internship programme, which receives the financial support of the Open Society Foundations, is to train young Roma in administration and civil service and to familiarise them with work in the intergovernmental sector.

The trainees will have the opportunity to obtain qualifications which may help them integrate local, national or international administrations.

Who can apply?

· Young Roma from any Central and Eastern European member state [1]

· Complete secondary education/preferably university or equivalent level (including social workers and mediators/advisors on Roma issues), in areas such as law, political sciences, sociology/anthropology, economics, social studies, psychology, education or international relations

· Working language: good command (written, read and spoken) of at least one of the official languages of the Council of Europe (French and English); knowledge of other languages is desirable (Romani in particular)

· Ability to work in a team and to adapt to a new environment

· Good writing ability required

Selection

Trainees are selected by a common decision of the Support Team of the Special Representative to the Secretary General for Roma Issues and the Open Society Foundations following the principle of fair geographical distribution.

Duties

Trainees will be working with the Support Team of the Special Representative to the Secretary General for Roma Issues. Should they wish, the opportunity might be provided to spend the whole 3 months or part of the internship in other departments, provided that the chosen service has the possibility to take on a trainee. Trainees will be given an opportunity—especially through the induction course arranged for them—to find out about the Council's structures, activities and international co-operation procedures, including the implementation of the European Convention of Human Rights. Furthermore, they will have the opportunity of attending sittings of the Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly and other meetings taking place during their stay in Strasbourg .

The everyday work of the trainees will consist of:

· Assistance in the preparation of international meetings, field visits and conferences taking place in Strasbourg or in member states ;

· Preparation and drafting of substance documents/files on different topics;

· Assistance in answering requests for information/research in the documentation centre of the Support Team of the SRSG for Roma Issues;

· Taking part in the daily work of the team, i.e., administrative tasks, team meetings, internal coordination on Roma issues;

· Opportunity to attend parts of the European Parliament sessions (once a month in Strasbourg ) and sessions of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly;

· Opportunity to become acquainted/establish links with the local Romani community through NGO contacts;

· Opportunity to spend part of the internship in other sectors of the organisation, depending on the wishes and competences of the trainees and facilities in other sectors.

A scholarship offered by the Open Society Foundations will be allocated to the selected applicants (1 per session of three months). It should cover travel expenses from and to the country of origin, accommodation costs and subsistence expenses. Cost for health and accident insurance will be deducted from the grant. Office space and computer are provided.

Sessions in 2011

1st session

January - March – application deadline: December 10, 2010

2nd session

April - June – application deadline: February 10, 2011

3rd session

August 15 – November 15 – application deadline: June 10, 2011

How to Apply

The applicants are kindly requested to fill in the attached form and to prepare a letter of motivation, explaining why they wish to apply for an internship at the Council of Europe, Support Team of the Special Representative to the Secretary General for Roma Issues and what benefit they expect from such an experience.

Letters of endorsement or recommendation are welcome.

Selection will be based on language skills, the motivation letter and education performance.

Applications should be addressed, in English or French, to Mrs Eleni Tsetsekou, Administrator, Support Team of the Speacial Representative to the Secretary General for Roma Issues, Council of Europe, F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex, France.
Eleni.tsetsekou@coe.int

fax: 0033390214053

The Council of Europe is an equal opportunity employer.

[1] Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, FYROM, Moldova, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Ukraine.

Monday, June 6, 2011

RESPECT

FROM THE CARMAN VALLEY LEADER

http://www.carmanvalleyleader.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?e=3040711

Romani music - sharing that comes from oppression


Quintin Bart performs at Active Living Centre

For centuries, the Romani people, commonly referred to as Gypsies, have suffered persecution. Even today, harassment is rampant in Europe.

Romani homes are still burned, and discrimination and mistreatment is widespread. Some governments are apathetic and often turn a blind eye to violations of basic human rights.

Quintin Bart, formerly of Carman, is making it his mission to raise awareness of the plight of Romanis throughout the world. He is passionate about human rights, and in particular the rights of Romanis.

On March 16 Bart was invited to be part of the current series, Why Music Matters, offered at the Active Living Centre in Carman.

Separate Myth From Reality

In an attempt to separate myth from reality, Bart recently travelled to Budapest, Hungary. As part of his undertaking to understand their history and culture, he mixed with the locals and joined in their music.

When the Romani tribes from Asia arrived in Europe in the 1300's, Bart explained, they were excluded from society, largely because they were not Christians. Many were enslaved, suffering cruel and abusive treatment. Some countries forbade their entry altogether, while others forced then to live in designated areas. Failure to comply was met with execution.

In Germany, "Gypsy Hunting" was a popular sport, carried out much like a fox hunt. They were considered as and treated as sub-humans.

Even in those times, however, their musical ability was well known, and they were often forced to perform for the elite of society.

During World War II, Romanis were rounded up and sent to death camps, said Bart.

Although it is not a well-known fact, between 500,000 and a million Romanis suffered their own Holocaust at the hands of the Nazis. With the breakdown of their family structure and loss of rituals after the Holocaust, they were further marginalized. Modern day Nazis and white supremacists still pose a threat to Romanis.

In the 1970s, Romanis began to unite in ethnic solidarity. Human rights movements began to grow, and today's ease of communication networks is no doubt helping to fuel the growth of these groups.

Unique Form Of Music

Out of the oppression and discrimination came a unique form of music. It is like nothing we are familiar with, and the sound has a distinctly Indian flavour. Over the years the music has morphed into many different genres.

Bart and his ensemble treated the audience to a variety of Romani selections, ranging from plaintive, haunting melodies to rousing toe-tappers.

Bart and his brother Lindsey are both accomplished guitarists, and they were joined by Darcy Stern who played the mandolin and a Romani instrument called a bouzouki. Vocalist Rhianna Kroeker added her soulful vocals to the mix.

Quintin also played a complicated looking authentic Hungarian hurdy-gurdy.

Highlights of their performance included a plaintive version of a Romani anthem which was written in the 70's, and some selections of "Gypsy Jazz," one of the more recent offshoots of Romani music. The final set was a group of Russian folk songs.

Sunday, June 5, 2011

I CAN'T WRITE THE NAME OF THAT TV SHOW AGAIN

The following is an excerpt from

http://www.romanichal.net/
"For hundreds of years Romani have suffered racism and prejudice because of the way we were stereotyped. A lot of hard work has went into changing people’s view of us around the world.

This is being destroyed along with the reputations of our people. The Television Show “My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding” promises a look into the “Gypsy” lifestyle. What they are really doing is showing a small group of Irish Travellers and then passing them off as “Gypsies”. There are many lies that are being peddled to the viewers as facts so that the show’s producers can make a buck. But they are doing it at OUR EXPENSE.

One of the many lies shows a supposed “Gypsy” tradition called Grabbing, where boys basically assault young girls in order to steal a kiss. You know we don’t do this. Its insulting to Romanies and Irish Travellers alike that this show throws us into a pile with no respect to who we really are. We have been severely damaged by the way this show spins “Gypsies” into a Jerry Springer Show. Our people are being depicted as trailer trash, alcoholics and thieves which is causing even more hatred and more suspicion in the Romani and Traveller communities....

We have read dozens of reports from other Travellers and Romani in the United Kingdom about how our children are now the subject of even more abuse and are being bullied because of the lies produced in this show...."
-----------------------------------------------
They have set up a petition protesting the show.  It's geared to Romani/Travelers who agree to be part of a class action suit, but I did notice some non Romani signed in support.
To sign the petition please visit

http://www.PetitionOnline.com/7177/petition.html

or


http://www.romanichal.net/

Saturday, June 4, 2011

GERONIMO PRATT

MERCURYNEWS.COM

http://www.mercurynews.com/ci_18202004?source=most_emailed&nclick_check=1

Civil Rights era icon Geronimo "Ji Jaga" Pratt dies at home in Tanzania


By Martin G. Reynolds

Oakland Tribune

Posted: 06/03/2011
PHOTO: Geronimo Pratt [970607 CA 3B 2]

Elmer Geronimo "Ji Jaga" Pratt, the former Black Panther Party leader who was released from prison in 1997 after serving 27 years for a murder conviction that was later overturned, died of natural causes June 2 in a small village in Tanzania where he has lived part time for many years. He was 63.

Pratt's death may have been brought on by a bout of malaria, which worked against his existing high blood pressure, his close friend and longtime attorney Stuart Hanlon said Friday by phone from his office in San Francisco.

Hanlon was informed of Pratt's death by friends of the former Panther who were with him at his home in Tanzania, an East African country bordered by Kenya and Uganda.

Pratt was convicted in 1972 in connection with the 1970 robbery and slaying of schoolteacher Caroline Olsen, 27, in Santa Monica. Pratt maintained he was in Oakland at a Black Panther Party meeting when the shooting occurred and that FBI agents and police hid and possibly destroyed wiretap evidence that would prove it.

His lawyers, which included now-deceased defense attorney Johnnie Cochran, blamed his arrest on the politically motivated COINTELPRO campaign by J. Edgar Hoover's FBI against the Black Panthers and other perceived enemies of the U.S. government.

The break Pratt's case needed came with the disclosure that a key prosecution witness hid the fact he was an ex-felon and police informant.

Orange County Superior Court Judge Everett Dickey granted Pratt a new trial in June 1997, saying the credibility of prosecution witness Julius Butler -- who testified that Pratt had confessed to him -- could have been undermined if the jury had known of his relationship with law enforcement. Pratt was freed later that month.

After his release from Mule Creek State Prison in Amador County, a federal judge later approved a $4.5 million settlement in Pratt's false-imprisonment and civil rights lawsuit.

During his lengthy incarceration, Pratt became a symbol of the turbulent 1960s, and he gained the support of activists and politicians including former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown, then-Rep. Ron Dellums (D-Oakland), the NAACP, Amnesty International and many others.

"What happened to him is the horror story of the United States," Hanlon said Friday. "This became a microcosm of when the government decides what's politically right or wrong. The COINTELPRO program was awful. He became a symbol for what they did."

Pratt was born Sept. 13, 1947, in Morgan City, La., a small town about two hours from New Orleans. The youngest of seven children, Pratt was raised as a Roman Catholic by his mother and his father, who operated a small scrap-metal business.

"He had Southern, rural roots, hardworking parents who sent all of their kids to college," Hanlon said. "He goes to the military, fights and is a decorated soldier in Vietnam, comes back, becomes a football star in college.

"That would be an American hero," Hanlon said of Pratt's life up to that point. "It was different because he was black and he became a Panther and then the road went the wrong way."

Hanlon said Pratt had been spending half his time in the small Tanzanian village of Imbaseni and the other half in Louisiana. When asked why he chose to spend so much of his time on another continent, Hanlon said, "I think he felt he had tasted the worst America could give and it wasn't very good."

Hanlon described Pratt as "one of my two or three closest friends in the world." And that his case "defined me as a lawyer."

David Hilliard, former Black Panther Party chief of staff who recruited Pratt into the party to help provide leadership to the Los Angeles chapter, said there are former Panther exiles still in Tanzania, and that Pratt likely felt comfortable there. He had helped to get an irrigation system installed in the village he adopted as his part-time home.

Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Oakland) at the time of his imprisonment was in the state Legislature. She said she remembers using her position as the chairwoman of the state's Black Caucus as a way to bring Pratt's case to greater prominence. She said much can be derived from a man who held his head high despite the injustices he endured.

"I'm really sad," Lee said when reached by phone. "This is a tremendous loss. His life was about seeking justice for those who had no justice. All the work that was done, by many, that ultimately proved he was unjustly incarcerated, he finally achieved the justice for himself that he so deserved."

Lee said she sees troubling similarities with the forces at work during the COINTELPRO era and now, and said the nation should look to Pratt's legacy with caution and concern.

While the government must have the tools in place to protect the nation's security, Lee said -- referencing the Patriot Act that provides broad powers to authorities for gathering information on potential threats -- there must be a balance with civil liberties.

"We have to be vigilant now and very concerned about unwarranted government intrusion. We don't want us to go back there."

Hilliard said Pratt "symbolized the best of human spirit. His spirit of endurance, his strength, his service to his people. He's very positive and a real example for young people who want to look into the direction of Che Guevara, Malcolm X and the leader of our party, Huey P. Newton. He is one of the true heroes of our era. He dedicated his life to service of his people. There is nothing more honorable than that."

The Associated Press and Los Angeles Times contributed to this report.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The story is far from ended.  It's important to remember Mumia Abu Jamal , Leonard Peltier and all the political prisoners in the United States, including victims of the patriot act.  And the beat goes on....
Morgan

KOSOVO


LEAD POISONED
 FROM ROMEA.CZ

http://www.romea.cz/english/index.php?id=detail&detail=2007_2514

Roma living like ping-pong balls in the schizophrenia of Kosovska Mitrovica

BY LUKAS HOUDEK

Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo ,
3.6.2011
Heavy rain is drumming on my already-soaked umbrella as we look out over a plain dotted with the ruins of what was a small Roma town. A brick two-story construction looms toward us through the falling fog, and the dogs behind the wooden stakes that outline the private land never stop barking. No one can be seen anywhere, the cloudburst has driven the residents inside. After another 100 meters, modern apartment buildings appear along with some miniature row houses. At the center of it all are roughly five shops and the single-story building of the local clinic. A rusted sign displaying countless international logos tells us we are in the Roma mahala of Mitrovica.

Walking to Albania

Ashkalija and Roma people have lived on the territory of what is today a reconstructed mahala in Mitrovica since time immemorial. Before the war in Kosovo, it was home to about 8 000 people. In 1999 a wave of violence was committed by Serbian military units against the Albanian population, who were expelled from their homes that year. Dozens of them did not survive the attacks.

"I remember as a small boy heading with a friend for the market in town and then changing my mind and turning back. By the time I made it home, grenades had started falling from helicopters onto the crowds of people. There was a lot of blood everywhere. I will never forget it," says Astrit, a 23-year-old Albanian man from Mitrovica who saw the start of the war in his hometown. "I will also never forget the moment when people came and burned down our house. We walked for five days and five nights to reach the border with Albania. On foot. I was 11," he recalls.

After the NATO invasion that year, the Kosovo Albanians began returning to their homes. The harms they had suffered led some of them to take revenge on the civilian population of the enemy. This time it was the Serbs who were expelled from their homes. They were also murdered en masse. The Roma settlement on the south side of town was not spared. Albanians considered the Roma collaborators with the Serbian regime because they attended Serbian schools, worked in Serbian state enterprises, and served in the Serbian Army. The Roma mahala, home to almost 8 000 people, was burned to the ground.

Until 2004, several hundred Ashkalija and Roma people were being housed in three camps in north Mitrovica. The others fled to Bosnia, Montenegro, Serbia or Western Europe. In 2006 the Roma people from those provisional camps, which had been erected immediately adjacent to a lead mine, were relocated to a military base that had previously housed the French KFOR contingent. Thus was created the infamous Osterode camp.

Hangars surrounded by barbed wire

Not far from the center of north Mitrovica, a small housing estate of high-rises stretches across the land. Dozens of cafés and shops line the streets, interspersed with simple car wash stations. On the right-hand side of one of the side streets, restaurants and single-family homes gradually give way to curved concrete columns. which form pillars for barbed-wire screens. Colorful open hangars gleam through the barbed wire. Inside them, laundry lines are strung up and older cars are parked. Small boys are kicking a ball around among them. There is peace and quiet. The laughter of children can be heard, accompanied by the occasional slamming of a plastic door.

"If you had seen this five years ago, you wouldn't have believe it. It was unbelievable. It was completely full. Today it's pretty nice here. It's calm here, we have our little home, sometimes we even find work," says 24-year-old Bajram, remembering his previous life in the overflowing camp. He and his wife now live in a dwelling carved out of this space which resembles an enormous garage.

Today the entire camp is comprised of an estimated 15 temporary structures in what originally were two hangars, a two-story brick apartment building, and several "containers". Some of the families have adapted to the environment of the camp to such an extent that they have built small wooden structures to serve as entryways in front of the tiny dwellings they have fashioned out of plaster partitions inside the big garage. The homes per se most often only have one room or two smaller partitioned rooms.

Deadly lead

The camps at Žitkovac, Cesmin Lug and Kabla were highly contaminated with lead, but the relocation of the Roma IDPs to the former military base at Osterode did not solve the problem. On the contrary, their living - primarily their health - situations rapidly deteriorated and the fatal results of lead poisoning began to appear. According to several doctors quoted in a report by the Society for Threatened Peoples (STP - Gesellschaft für bedrohte Völker) in October 2006, lead-contaminated patients can only be successfully treated if they are completely removed from further exposure. The newly-built Osterode camp, however, lies only 50 meters from the former lead mines, so the heavy metal contamination continued.

In a press release dated 1 March 2010, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) stated that the transfer of the Ashkalija and Roma to Osterode had been the only possible temporary solution, as the local municipality was not willing to free up other territory for their needs. At that time, all of the camps were administered by UNMIK (the UN mission in Kosovo).

To date, 104 of the IDPs have died as a result of lead poisoning, most of them children, who suffer the effects of lead contamination more than adults do. According to the STP report, blood and hair tests show that some of the children have been exposed to 1 200 times the recommended levels of lead.

The river is too wild

"Jump, man!" shouts 18-year-old Sultan to his blond neighbor. They have set out together to the nearby river Ibar, which forms a natural dividing line between the two parts of Mitrovica, Albanian and Serb. The blond takes off his t-shirt, jumps in place three times, then runs along the tiny, dark beach strewn with excrement and garbage. He launches himself from a flat rock jutting out into the river and jumps into the water over his head right next to the chanting Sultan. The water is still cold, but that doesn't matter. The cool, rainy days have transformed into summer ones, so the local children and youth can frolic by the water now. It would be hard for them to find anything else to do here.

According to the STP report, this river is also highly contaminated with lead, particularly in the vicinity of the Osterode camp. This is yet another reason for the high degree of lead poisoning among the children there.

Roma mahala revival

A small tobacconist's is open in the front of a small brick building in the reconstructed Roma mahala,the kind I can remember from my childhood at the end of the 1980s. There is chain-link mesh in the windows to prevent their being easily broken, and an aperture in the center just large enough for an adult hand to reach through. A man's blue eyes gleam like jewels across the display of cheap potato chips and three-liter bottles of orange energy drinks. He slowly gets up and goes to the door.

"Was machen Sie hier?" asks the 37-year-old bearded salesman, his hair bound back in a ponytail. After the opening phrases of courtesy, we continue in Romanes. "You have very nice little buildings here. I did not expect them to build you such nice ones," I say rhetorically, and wait for the response.

"The buildings are really good. We have a very small apartment, but we are not complaining. Those proper villas that are being built behind the apartment buildings are really super. If only there were work, otherwise we'll be gnawing at the walls of the nice buildings in a while," he says ironically, but sincerely. During the day, other Ashkalija and Roma people we talk to on the street respond similarly. "This cannot be compared at all to the conditions in the camp. I have had an apartment here for six years and it is really pleasant to live here. It's just that there is no work. I have the good fortune to work for municipal services, so I am a bit better off," explains 28-year-old Tomáš, whose family owned a small home not far from the stadium in Mitrovica before the war. Like the homes of the other Roma people, his home too was burned down and destroyed.

At first glance, the entire mahala looks idyllic. Everywhere you look there is plenty of open space decorated by green grass, the buildings are clean and modern, and nice, if small, proper single-family homes are being built beyond the social housing apartment buildings. There are commercial spaces on the ground floors of each apartment building and a billiard club, several fashion accessory stores, grocery stores, and even a hairdresser have set up there. At first glance, the residents of this small, revitalized town do not radiate the despondency we encountered in municipalities like Gjilan or Plemetina. We almost feel like applauding. Yes, the lack of work is decidedly keeping the locals from realizing their plans for life, but quality accommodations can at least be a good basis for rebounding from the bottom of society.

"People here are living in denial," says Skender Gushani, a representative of the local Roma. "I am not surprised they tell you they have it good here. Some of them are not aware of the seriousness of the situation. They are also afraid to discuss the lead poisoning of their children. They are afraid the information will mean that once again they will be removed from their new homes. We had a British company take soil samples, and they revealed contamination on the territory of the mahala as well. The most recent victim, a seven-year-old girl, died two months ago here of lung failure," he says bitterly.

Gushani says it was a mistake to build the housing on the territory of the settlement without upholding the recommendations of British experts who proposed the preventive measure of insulating part of the land by using a special kind of film over which clean ground could be spread. Instead, he says the land was just covered over with new ground, without using the film, and construction started on the new housing. Under such conditions, however, he says patients cannot be sufficiently treated (the therapy is performed at the local clinic and is completely free of charge). Several of the patients are therefore still being exposed to contamination by heavy metals. However, this is obviously not a problem of the Roma mahala alone. It is a generally-known fact that the entire Kosovska Mitrovica region has a higher degree of such contamination. However, unlike the Ashkalija and Roma residents, the other residents of the town had the good fortune not to have been housed immediately adjacent to the lead mines in the aftermath of the 1999 war.

We don't want to go to the mahala!

The sun glances off of a small pile of flowered carpets in front of one of the small Ashkalija homes left in what was the Osterode garages. Four flowerpots of marigolds decorate a small oblong table, and steam rises from a coffee mug resting on a chest of drawers. The starched white drapes suddenly part and blond Samanta, Bajram's 21-year-old wife, comes through the door. With a smile she places tiny cups of Turkish coffee and paprika chips before us in this small improvised summer garden.

"I heard you will soon be moving into the mahala. They are building you nice little houses there," I say to Bajram, who is in a slightly melancholy mood.

"Well we will not be moving. We don't want to. We are used to it here, we live well here. What will we do in the mahala? You won't find work there. Here sometimes we manage to," is his surprising answer.

International organizations started moving the Ashkalija and Roma people in 2007, when the first apartment buildings were constructed. Today the Mercy Corps organization is finalizing the last set of small row houses into which the last Ashkalija and Roma residents living in the Osterode camp are to be moved in mid-2011. A local Roma police officer says that 102 families are registered in the newly created Roma quarter, and 20-30 Roma families alone are estimated to still live in Osterode. Those who served in the Serbian Army during the previous regime are afraid they will be attacked by the local population in the Albanian section of Mitrovica where the new mahala is located. The others do not want to return to the mahala, nice as it is. It is not inspiring for various reasons, one of which is that they will not find the employment they need there. They therefore plan to remain either at the former camp or to integrate among the Serbian population in the northern part of town.

However, dozens of other Roma people who have heard about the construction of new apartments and homes for Roma IDPs are moving into the mahala. In addition to Roma people from all over Kosovo who are afraid to return to their original homes and are seeking refuge there, Kosovo Roma refugees are returning from Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia, as well being deported from West European countries. They cannot access the new housing easily, however. Many of them are now living in the ruins and unfinished buildings beyond the settlement, hoping for aid from international organizations.

"I'm from Pejë. I fled with my children. People here tell me to go back where I have my own house, but I can't! I am afraid, I am too afraid of the gadje there. They did horrible things to us," says a woman of about 40 sitting in front of one of the abandoned houses. She is living with her children alone in Mitrovica and has not heard from the rest of her family since the war. "I learned a mahala was being built and that it's rather safe here, so we came here. I found an abandoned house, so we moved in. We've been here four years," she says, shrugging her shoulders expressively.

Albanians pay 10, Serbs 15

It's not easy to find employment in an environment that is still as tense as this one. Almost all of the Ashkalija and Roma people with whom we had the opportunity to speak told us that in the southern (Albanian) part of town they encounter a high degree of discrimination from the majority population.

"It's logical, after all. An Albanian gives work to Albanians. A Roma person wouldn't come in handy in his business. They don't like us much," a small group of older men meeting in front of one of the apartment buildings tells us. Even though the security situation has greatly improved in recent years and Roma people can move about the town basically without restrictions, only a handful of them have found permanent employment. Most who are employed work the night shift of local municipal services. The others have no choice but to better their families, who are living on ridiculously small welfare benefits, by working under the table in the northern (Serbian) part of town, where the Roma say there is not such a problem with their being hired. "The Serbs" even pay more for a day's work, EUR 15 instead of EUR 10 on the Albanian side, but such opportunities don't come along every day. Local men wait every day for a telephone call, or walk to an agreed meeting point to wait for a potential employer to hire them for the day. The next day, they start over. That's why it is normal to see small groups of younger guys and men driving around town in rusted vehicles looking for scrap metal. This is sold to the scrap dealer, yielding the sellers an average daily profit of between three and five euro.

"Why don't you all just gather together and keep looking for work in the northern section? It's so close..." I wonder aloud, a bit reservedly, to the small group of 50-year-old men drinking soda in front of the brick apartment building. "It's not that simple. It is not always safe to walk to the northern part and back," is their unequivocal response.

The northern part of Mitrovica offers more opportunities for day labor and lies only a few hundred meters away from the Roma mahala in the southern section, but the social gulf between them is deep. Each half of Mitrovica lives differently. The Albanians cross into the Serbian section as little as possible, and the Serbs do the same. There is no reason - and for the time being not even the political will - to befriend the enemy. The wounds have not yet healed. Roma people, therefore, fear attacks from the Albanian population in whose part of town their mahala has been rebuilt if they continue to "collaborate" with the Serbian side - even if only in the form of being employed by them.

The parents of the small schoolchildren who travel to Serbian schools on the specially chartered bus that stops at a bench on the riverbank have similar concerns. Most of the children in the mahala speak Romanes as their mother tongue and Serbian most often as their second language. As a result of their resettlement in the Albanian part of Kosovska Mitrovica, they lost the opportunity to easily access the schools they had been attending, but they cannot attend the schools where they now live, for one simple reason - they would not sufficiently understand the material and their chance of a quality education would be significantly reduced. This is why the children travel daily to the schools in the northern part of town, guarded by adult men.

Radio Miki-Taxsi

It's 4:30 PM and the men are slowly returning to their homes in Osterode from searching for scrap metal in the streets of Mitrovica. A middle-aged man in a white undershirt and blue shorts, a towel slung across his shoulder, comes out of one of the wooden extensions in the first line of the IDP dwellings. As he comes toward us he invites us to visit his "church", as he calls it, after he has completed his personal ablutions. This is Miki – an unavoidable figure in Osterode.

A high wooden fence hides a small courtyard with modest outdoor seating and laundry lines. In the front room of his two-room dwelling, Miki, dressed in a suit, is standing behind a silver keyboard. The automatic rhythm unit is in full swing and he is tapping out his own melancholy melody over it. After we are seated on the flowered couch, this mysteriously elegant gentleman introduces himself: "My name is Miki, I'm over 40, and I'm a composer. I also sometimes teach music, I work as a prison guard, a taxi driver, and other things," he lists his numerous jobs as he pours real Albanian cognac into cut-glass tumblers. The rhythm from his keyboard provides the soundtrack. "I have my own internet radio station, and I have faithful listeners. I always get online, turn on my channel and play songs, sometimes I turn on the web camera, talk, and put on a show!" he says, blushing. To prove his words, he crosses to his computer (several homes in the camp have internet), goes to the streaming pages of flatcast-de, and accesses his RADIO-TAXSI. The party can start.

In addition to his music and radio production, Miki also devotes himself to spirituality. He is a rather respected representative of the Order of Dervishes in Mitrovica, whom non-Roma also visit with requests for advice. The second room of his home serves for these purposes and features an open Koran and a set of prayer objects. Miki dons one of his black gowns and headgear for us and introduces us to the various artifacts spread out on his small conference table. The rhythm of the keyboard still fills the entire house. "Let's turn it off. If we let it go much longer I'll have a lot of fans online from around the world. People love me! You know, I give them a proper show."

The schizophrenia of Mitrovica

Our days in Kosovska Mitrovica are slowly coming to an end. Before leaving we plan to visit the Orthodox church in the Serbian part of town. Our Kosovo Albanian friend Astrit has decided to join us. It would be his first visit to the center of north Mitrovica since the war. His parents must not find out, they would be afraid. "Nothing can happen, we'll speak English," I say to give him courage.

Several minutes before our agreed meeting, I get an SMS message: I HOPE YOU WILL UNDERSTAND, BUT I HAVE DECIDED NOT TO COME TO THE NORTHERN SECTION. FORGIVE ME. I DON"T KNOW IF I SHOULD RISK IT. WE'LL SEE EACH OTHER LATER. Astrit doesn't come, so I sit on a low concrete wall and observe the Roma children getting off the school bus as usual on the northern bank of the Ibar river, slowly gathering together and heading for the brick buildings on the southern bank. I think about what lies behind Astrit's message, about the schizophrenic situation of the local Roma, swinging several times a day between the Albanians and Serbs in an effort to find their own place. Then I smile when I remember DJ Miki in Osterode, who has found his own place, in his own way.

LUKAS HOUDEK
Translated by Gwendolyn Albert

ROMEA

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There are some good photos with this article at

http://www.romea.cz/english/index.php?id=detail&detail=2007_2514

Friday, June 3, 2011

INTERNATIONAL WRITERS FESTIVAL IN INDIA

ROMANI WRITERS-BULGARIA
Monday, May 30, 2011

7th International Writers Festival-India

26-27 November, 2011 at Wardha (Maharashtra) - India

For the kind attention of Roma poets, writers & scholars etc.

Dear all,

As you are already aware India Inter-Continental Cultural Association (Regd.) Chandigarh-India, is engaged in promoting Indo-Romani Cultural ties thru its various literary & cultural activities in India & abroad.

Now we are organizing 7th International Writers Festival-India on 26-27 November, 2011 at Wardha (Maharashtra) - India in which a special session will be devoted to Romani Language, Literature & Culture.

The main theme of the Festival is: Diaspora Literature & Universal Peace, Contributions of Mahatama Gandhi For more details pl. visit : www.indianwriters.org

Interested Roma poets, writers & scholars, etc who wish to participate are welcome and they should inform about their participation immediately, so that official signed invitation letters to them are sent at the earliest.

There would be no registration fee for Roma participants. We will provide them lunch and tea/s etc on 26 & 27 of November, 2011. University will provide some rooms in its Guest House free of cost on basis. Others may be provided accommodation at subsidized rates. However they will have to meet their traveling expenses-- International & domestic including in India.

Wardha (Maharashtra) is situated about 5 kilometer away from Railway Stations (i) Sevagram (ii) Wardha. Nearest International Airport is Mumbai or Delhi. Nearest domestic Airport is Nagpur. (80 kilometer away from Wardha). For domestic flights pl. visit : www.makemytrip.com; www.yatra.com
or we can provide guidance/assistance for that.

Wardha is also well connected with Railways. Advance E-ticket reservation facility on Internet is available. One can purchase train ticket for Station- Sevagram (code: SEGM) or Wardha JN (code: WR) Pl. visit Indian Railways website:

We can provide guidance/assistance for trains, if required.

If you need any further information/clarification, you are welcome.

With love from India:

DEV BHARDWAJ

Director, IICCA, Editor: Kafla Inter-continental

Member Parliament & Commissioner for Culture

International Romani Union (IRU)

writer_dev@hotmail.com

writerdev@gmail.com

http://www.indianwriters.org/

http://www.kaflaintercontinental.com/

UNITED NATIONS REPORT ON HUNGARY


GYPSIES IN HUNGARY

 PRESS RELEASE  FROM THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS.
THE OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS



http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=11085&LangID=E

Hungary / Racism: “Time to transform international obligations into effective implementation at home” – UN expert

BUDAPEST / GENEVA (31 May 2011) –

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on racism, Githu Muigai, commended the Hungarian Government’s efforts to fight racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance in the country. However, at the end of his first mission* to Hungary from 23-27 May, Mr. Muigai drew attention to a number of crucial challenges yet to be overcome.

Since the last visits of the Special Rapporteur on racism in 1999 and the Independent Expert on minorities issues in 2006, the expert noted that Hungary has made significant legislative, political and institutional efforts to fulfill its international human rights obligations and commitments with respect to the situation of national and ethnic minorities and the fight against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.

“But challenges remain,” according to Mr. Muigai, “including as to the implementation of the measures taken.” These are some of them:

Refugees, asylum seekers and migrants

The situation of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants is a matter that calls for some attention. Complaint of racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia by refugees and asylum seekers on a daily basis were reported during the mission and the Special Rapporteur expressed his concern at the conditions of detention of asylum seekers and irregular migrants, including women, elderly persons, and children. It is important for the Government to ensure that it fully complies with its international human rights obligations.

National and Ethnic Minorities

Efforts undertaken by the Government to address the needs of, and problems faced by national and ethnic minorities ought to be noted. However, it is important to ensure that the recent constitutional changes will not weaken the current legal and institutional framework for the protection of minorities rights.

While the Government has developed key important measures to address the situation of Roma, their situation has not improved in the last years but rather worsened. They have been the most affected by Hungary’s difficult transition period from socialism to a market-based economy and they continue to face racism, racial discrimination and intolerance in the areas of employment, education, housing and health. Reports of violence and abuse against Roma by the police, and discrimination in the judiciary, including in the criminal system, were also brought to Mr. Muigai’s attention. “If we do not act now, there may not be a tomorrow on this issue,” he said. “There is a great urgency to reinvigorate the education of Roma with all the necessary resources of the Hungarian Government. Hungary will have succeeded when it removes Roma from poverty, lack of education and unemployment”.

Anti Semitism

Immediate action is required to tackle anti-Semitism in Hungary. The Government must be vigilant and the necessary mechanisms to address this issue should be set up.

Extremist political parties, movements and groups

“Hungary is a young and dynamic democracy,” the Special Rapporteur said calling upon the vigilance of the Government vis-à-vis the resurgence of extremist political parties, movements and groups, some of which are alleged to have racist platform. The expert also drew the Government’s attention to hate speech. It is important to prevent such behaviour and ensure that those responsible for racist acts are held accountable and the victims provided with appropriate legal remedies.

During his mission, Mr. Muigai travelled to Ózd, Gyöngyöspata, Pécs and Mohács. He held meetings with the local authorities, the representatives of the Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, the Ministry of National resources, the Ministry of Interior, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The expert also held discussions with the Parliament, members of the municipal court in Budapest, political parties, representatives of civil society, lawyers, community members, academics and private citizens. The expert also met with the Office of the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities and the Parliamentary Commissioner for Data Protection and Freedom of Information. Mr. Muigai also visited a prison in Budapest (Fővárosi Büntetés-végrehajtási Intézet) and a school in Ózd.

A full report of the Special Rapporteur’s mission to Hungary will be presented to the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2012.

Githu Muigai (Kenya) was appointed by the Human Rights Council as Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance in August 2008. He is a lawyer specialized in international human rights law. The mandate of the Special Rapporteur on racism was established in 1993 by the former Commission on Human Rights to examine incidents of contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, and official measures to overcome them. It was further extended by the Council in 2011.

(*) Check the full end-of-mission statement by the Special Rapporteur’s: http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/NewsSearch.aspx?MID=SR_Racism

Thursday, June 2, 2011

HANS ZIMMER


Film Composer Hans Zimmer Has a Heart for the Roma


When Oscar-winning composer Hans Zimmer heard about the expulsion of the Roma in France and Italy last year, he did not stand idly by.

Hans wanted to help raise awareness about the issues the Roma face. (Photo: WireImage)

02/06/2011 -

Bonnie Abaunza, the executive in charge of Hans' philanthropy division said, "He called me and said what are we going to do about this. This is terrible."

Bonnie and Hans came together with the National Democratic Institute—a nonprofit, nonpartisan, nongovernmental organization that supports democratic institutions and practices—on a PSA titled 'Who Are the Roma?' Hans composed the music with the hopes of bringing greater awareness to the issue.

The Roma, more commonly called "gypsies," make up the fastest growing ethnic group in Europe. They also are one of the most marginalized.

The National Democratic Institute reports that the Roma are routinely denied basic human rights and lack access to health care and education resulting in a highly illiterate population that struggles with poverty and violence.

Over the last two years, France expelled well over 10,000 Roma sending them to Romania and Bulgaria, countries where they face worse discrimination.

Catherine Pajic, NDI's Deputy Regional Director for Central and Eastern Europe, spoke to TakePart about Hans' involvement in the campaign to help the Roma find their political voice:

"It's been refreshing to see Hans get personally involved and offer his own perspectives based on his experiences in Germany. He seems to instinctively understand what is a very complex and politically sensitive set of issues. We couldn't be more thrilled about his willingness to get involved, particularly in such a creative way.

Here is the video, "Who Are the Roma?"

http://youtu.be/LyIJuWwe9fQ

THE ORIGINAL ARTICLE


http://www.takepart.com/news/2011/06/01/hans-zimmer-who-are-the-roma

AGNES OSZTOLYKAN

FROM OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATION

http://blog.soros.org/2011/06/politics-can-be-different-a-conversation-with-agnes-osztojkan/


POLITICS CAN BE DIFFERENT: A CONVERSATION WITH AGNES OSZTOLYKAN


BY BERNARD RORKE
June 1, 2011
PHOTO: OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATION/KINGA RETHY

Agnes Osztolykán, the first and only Roma woman elected to parliament in Hungary, recently received the 2011 International Women of Courage Award. At the awards ceremony, U.S. secretary of state Hillary Clinton paid tribute to Osztojkan:
"For overcoming racism and discrimination to emerge a leader in elected office, serving as a proud defender of the Roma people and culture, and tirelessly pressing for equal rights and the inclusion of minorities in society, we thank you for your work, we thank you for your example, and we will stand with you."

In the following conversation, Osztolykán reflects on her life and career to date as a Roma activist in Hungary, where the personal is acutely political.

DID YOU EXPECT TO WIN THIS AWARD?  HAS IT BEEN A LONG ROAD FOR YOU AS A ROMA WOMAN TO NATIONAL POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION?

The award came as a total surprise … I assumed it normally went to women active in civil society in Africa and Asia, and I know it was not given to me as Agnes, but rather it was to acknowledge the importance of the whole Roma issue.

It’s been a long road, but not a hard one. I was born in a small village where my parents still live. They were manual workers but always cared deeply about my education. I was an excellent pupil in primary school, and with the encouragement of my teachers and the support of my parents, I was enrolled to attend an elite high school in Budapest alongside the children of the rich and famous in 1989. The first two years were very hard because my level of knowledge was lower than the others, and I spent all my free time in the library to catch up, and I did. My teachers were very kind and encouraging and my parents strongly believed in me. Coming from a small village of 800 people, there were many who assumed I would fail in Budapest and have to come home. I was determined to prove them wrong.

AND WHERE DID YOU STUDY IN UNIVERSITY?
At the time, my parents had jobs and could support me financially, and my first wish was to go to the law university, and they organized special courses for high school students. But this was just a short time after the system change, and I was advised that it would be difficult for someone from my background—as the first generation from my family to pursue third level education—to be admitted to the Law Faculty, which was still the preserve of the offspring of the Hungarian elite.

I was accepted to the newly established Political Science Faculty in the university in Miscolc. I had lived in dormitories with other students before, but the environment was completely different from Budapest—in Budapest, it was not an issue whether I was Roma or not, the only thing that mattered was the possibility to achieve and progress. But in Miscolc, it mattered: the fact that I was Roma mattered very much to staff and students alike.

...IN A NEGATIVE WAY ?

Yes of course, and this was precisely the time when young right-wing people in Hungary started to organize in skinhead gangs and this trend was very visible in Miscolc and Eger. I decided then and recognized that I cannot deny my identity or ignore this issue. It wasn’t the best of times I can tell you, and it was made worse by my father losing his job and my mother falling ill. Many times I offered to quit my studies and go to work but my parents insisted I complete my studies.

HOW DID YOU FIRST COME INTO CONTACT WITH ROMA ACTIVISTS IN BUDAPEST ?
During my university years I spent a lot of time with friends and relatives in Budapest and in 1996 I met with Horvath Aladar and the young Roma intelligentsia who had set up Romaversitas [3], and they invited me to work with them as an organizer. My thesis dealt with the plight of the homeless, and I spent a lot of time among them in homeless shelters, it was hard for the soul to witness such deprivation.

I graduated cum laude in 1998, and faced a choice whether to work in civil society or in government. Fidesz had just won the election and I decided this was not the party and politics not the path. I began teaching in an afternoon school in the 8th district with young Roma students from very deprived backgrounds. I loved this work very much, and it made a lasting impression on me.

In 1998 the Soros Foundation–Hungary [4] hired me as a program manager responsible for Roma law, Roma media, and visual education. At the Soros Foundation I met the most open, most intelligent, and most progressive people in Hungary, and it was the first opportunity for me to deal seriously with the Roma issue.

WHAT PROMPTED THE MOVE INTO POLITICS ?
Around 2009, a loose grouping of young non-Roma from civil society who knew my background and experience, approached me for discussion and friendly consultations as they wished to organize and establish an official political party. This became LMP, which translates as "Politics can be different." They wanted me to join them, and I said OK, let's see your program and your position on Roma. We began working together, and I drafted a lot for them and invited other young Roma to join. In the 2009 European Parliament elections, I had a symbolic place on the party list but I think it was important for me and for LMP.

The party wanted me to run in the national elections in 2010, and due to personal circumstances it took a lot of persuasion before I agreed. Another Roma woman turned down the opportunity. I argued with her that we always say the non-Roma never make room for us to take a leadership role: "Now we have an opportunity to be in the front row and take our places in the Hungarian Parliament." I eventually agreed to be placed second on the Budapest list.

I can still remember the evening of the election: one minute huddled over the TV in the party offices, the next minute the party leader grabbed my hand and pulled me into the full glare of the TV cameras and crowds of reporters. At that moment it dawned on me that we had won seats in the parliament. I called my father and told him "Dad, I think I’ve become a member of the Hungarian Parliament." He was stunned; he said "I see," wept, and then hung up the phone.

Entering Parliament must have been daunting. In the 2010 elections, the neofascist Jobbik party emerged as the third force in national politics. Do you remember the first day in Parliament?

At the swearing-in ceremony of the new parliament, the men and women from Jobbik were clad in black and white uniforms, and the rest of the MPs were in dark suits. I wore a very special colorful traditional Roma dress with vivid floral patterns, made by a Roma fashion designer. This not only provided photo opportunities for the media and a strong contrast to the black and white uniforms of the far right, but was acknowledged by Roma and non-Roma as a very important symbolic message.

AND WHAT IS IT LIKE IN PARLIAMENT, SHARING THE OPPOSITION BENCHES WITH A RADICAL RACIST PARTY WHOSE ELECTION CAMPAIGN WAS FIRST AND FOREMOST AN ANTI-ROMA CAMPAIGN ?  HOW DIFFICULT IS IT FOR YOU, AS A WOMEN OF UNDOUBTED COURAGE ?
After the election I chose education as my expert brief. I was not going to be just "the Roma MP," but of course in a situation with far-right people sitting close to us in the Parliament it became inevitable that I would deal with Roma issues as well.

Sometimes it’s very hard for me personally to listen to them when they speak of "gypsy criminality," and basically use parliament to spread hate speech. And very painful for me when they began to organize with hate groups and paramilitaries outside of Parliament, going to the villages declaring that they will create order and intimidating Roma communities. When it started in Gyöngyöspataa [5], I was actually in Washington but returned to witness the same thing in HejÅ‘szalonta [6].

I was there and what was particularly chilling was to see that so many of these people marching and screaming "gypsy killers" and "gypsy criminals" had brought their children with them. Of course I get a lot of abusive and threatening emails, especially after Hejőszalonta because I made a speech in Parliament calling on Zoltan Balog and the government to halt these racist provocations engineered by Jobbik, and asked if they were waiting until somebody is killed, or the conflict escalates before they intervene. It was the first time I heard Balog speak harshly, but his remarks were directed not to me but to Jobbik, and he demanded that they bring a halt to this because maintaining law and order is the task of the government and the police and not Jobbik.

In parliament Jobbik are relentless in their crude hate speech. At the outset I thought that there must be some intelligent people in this party that through discussion could be cured of their prejudice. Now I see that there is no possibility and that the majority are hard core racists. We recently had a week of argument and debate in a parliamentary committee to modify the criminal code to deal with hate groups.

The other day, after four hours listening to rubbish about "gypsy criminals" and how they will kill the whole Hungarian people I told my fraction leader; "Andris, I don’t have enough energy to listen to any more of this." Like any human being I have my good days and bad days, and on a bad day it’s much harder to tolerate this—but I always face them and would never show weakness—I face them and smile to show I am stronger than they are.

It's funny but they have a grudging respect for me; they are racists and use foul words, but not when they speak to me. When they speak ill of Roma leaders, they tell me that I am the exception. I smile and remain courteous, but this is not an easy time in my life.

FIDESZ, THE RULING POLITICAL PARTY IN HUNGARY, HAS COME UNDER FIRE AND ATTRACTED INTERNATIONAL CRITICISM ON A RANGE OF ISSUES, BUT HAS MADE ROMA INTEGRATION A PRIORITY OF THEIR EU PRESIDENCY.  WHAT' YOU'RE OPINION?

I will acknowledge the achievements of Fidesz when I see progressive Roma people in their party. I cannot imagine how Roma people of good will and self-respect, can sit silent in parliament, just listening to concrete hate speech. I argue with them in the corridors afterwards about why they don’t speak up. They say it’s not their task. When I contacted the Fidesz Roma after Gyöngyöspataa and called on them to make a joint statement, their reply was that they have read the papers, listened to and watched the news, and that nothing happened! Fidesz Roma guys—how can I work with them when they say nothing happened in Gyöngyöspataa?

It sounds good that the Hungarian EU Presidency launched the Roma Framework and that the government wants to deal with Roma integration, but I would like to see concrete steps taken when it comes to budgeting time. During the negotiations from October to December last, I made several amendments related to education, LMP made several recommendations related to Roma—all were ignored, nothing we submitted surfaced.

Beyond declarations I have yet to see anything concrete. They speak of two priorities in the media: to increase the number of Roma students in the high-school system; and to create 100,000 job placements for low-skilled Roma. I don’t see where or from what budget line these jobs will be created because no provision has been made for it. There’s money for scholarships and that’s it.

So it’s very good that we can begin to speak about a European Framework for Roma Integration. I know that this situation is so thanks to the Decade, because I remember how for years we pushed the EU to take the issue seriously and respond as an institution to Roma inclusion. But when you read the Communication, which I am absolutely sure will be accepted by the Council, the tone is that "we should," "we encourage"—what’s missing is strong words about what we must do. I am sorry to say it but I think this is just going to be another piece of EU paper.

LOOKING TO THE FUTURE, DO YOU IMAGINE IT WILL BE BETTER OR WORSE FOR YOUR SON AND OTHER ROMA CHILDREN GROWING UP IN HUNGARY ?

Sometimes I felt that I should flee the country and that I don’t want to bring my son up here. I don’t think the future looks too good for our children, but of course it depends on your standard of living and lifestyle. Its easier for my son; he has the opportunity to go to a good school, lives in a nice environment and of course with my circle of friends and their children he never has to experience prejudice. It’s totally different for Roma kids from poor families in the countryside. The situation is so bad. There needs to be a strong and clear message from civil society concerning anti-Gypsyism and a show of solidarity with Roma in the countryside.

Every country to some extent reflects the attitudes of its elites and as long as the Hungarian elite is incapable of taking action to counter this, then the wider non-Roma population will do nothing. And just yesterday I read the latest research [7] from Katalin Klaus, which finds that anti-Roma prejudice is stronger and more common among the better educated and better-off parts of society than it is among the least educated and poorest people in the villages.

This is all very disturbing, and these are not the best of times, but I do believe that "politics can be different" and will continue the struggle to make it so, and to convince more young progressive Roma to take an active part in LMP to make that difference.

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

BIG FAT DISGRACE --- FROM THE NEW REPUBLIC


PHOTO FROM CHANNEL 4

I've been reluctant to post too much about the offensive racist Big Fat Gypsy Wedding.
This is such a brilliant response to the show I couldn't resist posting it.
Morgan
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FROM NEW REPUBLIC

Big Fat Disgrace

TLC's ‘My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding’ is wildly misleading.

BY SEYWARD DARBY  ONLINE EDITOR

Big Fat Disgrace A Retrospective of Cathleen Black---- I’ve Seen Enough
May 31, 2011
12:00 am

.“A spectacle like nothing else … their lifestyle will blow your mind,” proclaims the commercial for TLC’s newest show, “My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding,” which debuted in a “sneak peek” Sunday night. (The official premiere is June 3.) A re-broadcast of the British Channel 4 show of the same name that has attracted millions of viewers and widespread media attention, the series documents the lavish weddings, as well as engagements, first communions, and other milestone events, of Irish Traveller and Roma communities. The “spectacle” includes teenage brides and grooms, elaborate dresses that can weigh in at more than 70 pounds (including one that lights up in the dark), bouffant hairdos, spray tans, stretch limos, and scantily clad female guests. “From the makeup to the miniskirts, from the heels to the hair,” TLC declares at the beginning of each episode, “it’s the outrageous, it’s the unbelievable, it’s ‘My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding.’”

What’s most outrageous, however, aren’t the celebrations on display: It’s the show’s voyeuristic, stereotypical, judgmental, and shallow depiction of one of the world’s most misunderstood and, at times, abused minorities. “My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding” (a terrible, degrading title to begin with) claims to offer one-of-a-kind insight into a unique community, but it manages to achieve the opposite. Viewers are instead offered an overly simplistic view of the cultures of Travellers and Roma—two distinct groups, though the show happily conflates them into one category—with scarcely any historical or political context about their place in the United Kingdom and Europe more broadly.

To watch “My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding” is to see Travellers and Roma as uneducated, flashy, and closed-minded people who live in mobile-home parks and throw enormous parties. This was easily confirmed on Twitter Sunday night, as viewers called the show “crazy” and “a trainwreck,” and referred to the women on it as “whores” and “hookers.” The show’s representation of its subjects was best summarized by one viewer who tweeted, “So far they get married @ 16, live in trailers & dress like sluts.” The truth about Travellers and Roma, however, is infinitely complex—and both Channel 4 and TLC have wronged these communities, as well as the show’s viewers, by failing to tell it.

That TLC’s version of the show—which has substituted an American narrator for Channel 4’s British one, but uses the same content—would be biased was clear from the network’s p.r. that preceded it. A press release described Travellers and Roma as living in a “hidden world” and having a “highly secretive community.” From the get-go, TLC’s language perpetuated a dangerous stereotype by instructing viewers to see these people as other, as aliens living outside the mainstream by choice. This sort of language carried into the show; in the two hours it was on Sunday night, words like “mysterious” and “suspicious” came up again and again.

The narrator also tells the audience early in the first episode that Travellers and Roma “are at odds with the world that judges them at face value.” Yet, in the first two hours of footage, there is no real examination of why this is. In addition to failing to clearly explain the differences between the two groups’ origins—Travellers are ethnic Irish, while the Roma came from Eastern Europe (and originally, historians think, India)—there is no explanation of why tradition dictated for centuries that they live nomadic lifestyles, or of how rampant prejudice against them evolved over generations. Granted, the second episode reports that 90 percent of Traveller land requests are rejected, and it shows Travellers being evicted from their trailers camps. But the back-story offered is simply that the local council had instructed the residents to leave and they had refused. A twelve-year-old Traveller boy named Jerry tells the camera that this happened “[j]ust cause they don’t like Gypsies”—and the show seems happy to leave it at that. No one on the council is interviewed, nor did the show bother to find a historian who might have been able to offer some genuine insight into the tensions over land between Travellers and non-Travellers. (The production team also betrays its own bias against the community’s way of life when a soon-to-be-bride says looking for a trailer to live in after getting married is no different than looking for a house, and a man behind the camera exclaims, “No, it’s not!”)

Moreover, there is no discussion of the broader Roma community, which remains Europe’s most hated minority. The slaves of empires past, the Roma were persecuted by the Nazis and, today, tend to live in dire poverty, often in shantytowns outside major cities in Central and Eastern Europe. They’ve been subject to forced sterilization, segregation in schools, and, as recently as last year, when French authorities destroyed dozens of Roma camps and rounded up their inhabitants, forced repatriation. A 2006 article in the journal Comparative Economic Studies noted that the Roma’s “unemployment rate is 100 percent in some rural areas” and still high in heavily populated areas, while The Economist has reported that “West Europeans … tend to believe that Roma migrants are responsible for an epidemic of pickpocketing, shoplifting, mugging—and worse [crimes].”

None of this seems to matter to Channel 4 or TLC. In their view, “Gypsy”—a term many Travellers and Roma find derogatory—culture apparently need not be understood in a historical or pan-European context. Rather, it is sufficient to see it almost exclusively through the lens of parties: the clothes worn (or not worn, as the camera seems to gravitate toward women’s bare midriffs), the color schemes, the people attending, the mode of transportation used to get there.

By way of such details, the show often claims to be giving the audience exclusive access to arcane rituals that will illuminate Traveller and Roma life. Problem being, they aren’t arcane or revealing at all. For instance, the narrator teases, “[T]he secrecy behind a Traveller communion is revealed for the first time”—but there isn’t much that’s secretive; it’s more or less a young girl in a too-big, too-ornate dress, followed by a large family party. Or “another important Gypsy [marriage] custom is the cake-cutting”—one which, last I checked, goes for most modern weddings as well.

Worse still, the show’s chosen arbiter of all things Traveller and Roma is Thelma Madine, a dressmaker who is from neither community. (“Few outsiders have a keener understanding” of the “plight” of these communities than Madine, the narrator tells viewers.) Madine, who designs and constructs elaborate gowns for Traveller and Roma weddings and communions, admits to having been skeptical of the communities and their fashion choices when she first encountered them—implying, of course, that it is acceptable for the audience to feel the same way. “When I first seen them, it was like ‘My God,’” she says early in the show’s first episode. “They did look like prostitutes—that’s how you would describe them. … You wouldn’t let your daughter walk around like that.” But Madine tells viewers she came around, realizing that Travellers and Roma are decent people, too. “[W]hen you get to know them, their morals are so high”—no sex or cohabitation before marriage, for instance—“you would say they are definitely stuck in a time warp.” (The show never attempts to reconcile the sexy outfits with the strict moral code; it’s simply left at being a paradox the audience can point fingers at.)


Later, Madine offers her own explanation of why these groups are ostracized: “They don’t want their society diluted by non-Travellers. They want to keep it as pure as possible.” This sentiment is supported by comments from a young Traveller woman, who disparages “gorgers,” or outsiders, for being immoral. (Soon after, however, Pat, a young Traveller man who’s marrying an outsider, offers a different take: “I think it’s very unfair to try to point out differences.”) With comments like Thelma’s coming from the screen, on top of scene after scene of gaudy wedding preparations carefully edited for maximum effect, it shouldn’t be surprising to either Channel 4 or TLC that one viewer took to Twitter Sunday night to write, tragically, “I now understand why all of Europe hates gypsys [sic].”

This isn’t to say that the lavish weddings aren’t worth documenting, though it would have behooved the producers, had they been concerned with presenting a fair and robust picture of the communities in question, to show the weddings of Travellers and Roma who aren’t interested in glitz and glam. And, to be sure, even in this thin cultural portrait dominated by tulle and sequins, there are substantively disturbing moments—namely, young brides who bluntly say they don’t think getting an education or holding a job is important, and, most notably, a description of “grabbing,” a dating ritual whereby a young man grabs a woman and demands she kiss him, twisting her arm or otherwise hurting her until she obliges.

But a quick Google search will reveal that many in the Traveller and Roma communities were outraged by these aspects of the show when it initially aired in Britain. Traveller Jill Smith told News of the World, “The programme made out that all gypsy girls are forced to leave school at nine so they can stay at home cleaning until they marry. Yes, we’re expected to cook and clean, but we do have our own lives too. … Most girls have the opportunity to go to school, many of them have jobs.” In the same article, a Traveller mother of two young boys said of grabbing, “I don’t agree with it and neither do many other travellers. It’s tantamount to sexual assault.” (It’s also worth noting that, in the first two episodes of the show, the couples getting married met on Facebook or as children; there is no mention of grabbing in their courtship.) This isn’t to suggest that the situations depicted on the show are false or that they are all acceptable, but rather, that the realities of Travellers and Roma’s lives are far more complicated and varied than what appears on the show.

What, then, to make of this series debuting on U.S. television and the rationale behind airing it? A few months ago, I interviewed Rita Mullin, vice president of development at TLC, about the channel’s ethos. (If you’ve watched TLC at all over the past few years, you’ll know that it is dominated by a collection of reality shows about people in unusual circumstances: polygamists, hoarders, and people who have dwarfism, to name a few.) She described the network’s “creative filter” as being for “extraordinary everyday people.” “People may tune in because they’re thinking, ‘That’s sort of funny or weird,’ but they don’t keep watching it for that reason,” Mullin said. “They do because they are amazing people [on the shows].”

“My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding” may fall into this category, but, as with much of TLC’s programming and reality television more generally, it’s a mistake to think most people will watch the series because they feel an empathetic connection with its subjects, or because they believe they are gaining a fuller understanding of a culture. The show simply isn’t good or fair enough for either to occur, and it doesn’t help that audiences are often just seeking out something to be entertained by. Perhaps the substance of the show will improve in the coming episodes, but based on what I’ve seen thus far—and on the Channel 4 clips available on YouTube—I’m not counting on it. (I’m also guessing TLC’s upcoming venture “Gypsyville,” which will chronicle the celebrations of Traveller and Roma communities in the United States, won’t be much better.)

Instead, because this misleading, incomplete show will likely be many Americans’ only exposure to Travellers and Roma in Europe, it will lead to a deep misunderstanding of who these people are. If Twitter is any indicator, it will continue to draw adjectives like “odd” and “insane,” as well as countless comparisons to “Jersey Shore.” Indeed, as the Internet response has shown—after Sunday night and during Channel 4’s airing of the series—“My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding” seems destined to become another thing to gossip about, to ogle at, or to mock.

Seyward Darby is the online editor of The New Republic.
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My thanks to Seyward Darby and The New Republic